MacLean, Gerald, editor. The Return of the King : An Anthology of English Poems Commemorating the Restoration of Charles II / edited by Gerald MacLean
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III. Hoping for the King
December 1659-April 1660

Calendar of Poems In This Section

J. W., "A Second Charles" [February?]

A Psalme Sung by the people, before the bone-fires (15 February)

Thomas Robins, The Royall Subjects Joy [late February?]

Upon the King's Most Excellent Majestie (February)
Variant reprints: (1) News From The Royall Exchange
(16 March), (2) "Arts Chaste Rule"

An Exit to Exit Tyrannus (17 March)

The Case is altered [after 16 March?]

Thomas Joy, A Loyal Subjects Admonition [after 16 March?]

An Exit to Exit Tyrannus (17 March)

The King Advancing (21 March)

"Upon the Kings Prerogative and Person", from The Case Stated (24 March)

John Ogilby, "The Second Charles" (28 March)
Variant reprints: (1) "The Second Charles
(2) in The Manner of the Solemnity (6 September)

England's Rejoycing at That Happy Day [March/April?]

Vox Populi Suprema Rex Carolus. Or the voice of the People for King Charles (April)

England's Genius Pleading for King Charles (30 April)

"Facidicus Possiblis," A Royal Prophecy [late April?]

Gallant News of late I bring [late April?]

Richard Flecknoe, "Pourtrait of His Majesty" [later in the year]

Preface: Hoping For the King

   The sixteen poems included in this section were printed during, or describe events from the perspective of, the period between December 1659 and the end of April 1660. They demonstrate how both poetic genres and political opinions were hesitant and uncertain during these months when royalists lived in hopeful anticipation of a return to monarchy. Experimentation in a wide variety of poetic genres contributed to the sense of general uncertainty about possible futures even as General Monk -- "the most important single agent in bringing about the Restoration"104 -- led his army south to London. These poems offer numerous revisions of recent past events, while also attempting to document the immediate present as closely as they can in order to interpret, advise, and set the terms for what they hope will come about. 105

   Milton scholars will be familiar with these weeks as the period when The Readie and Easie Way was being written and revised, in a desperate attempt to prevent a return to monarchy. Austin Woolrych's "Historical Introduction" to the revised seventh volume of The Complete Prose Works of John Milton (1980) provides an indispensible and detailed guide to the political and social activities of these weeks. In what follows, I will presume that readers will refer to Woolrych's account for a more fully detailed account of persons and events; here I seek only to offer a broad outline focussing on matters of interest to royalist poets.

   While General Monk was bringing his army south to London and negotiating with both Parliamentary and city interests, poets writing in support of restoring the king commonly set conditions, often quite specific ones, to that recall. Although Charles would not be formally acclaimed until Tuesday 8 May, during the previous two months, royalist poets expressed confidence that he would be recalled, and felt empowered to begin enumerating the advantages his return would, or should, bring to a broad range of social, economic, and political interests.

   Poems have been included in this group when there is evidence, usually marginal dates from George Thomason and Anthony Wood, for dating their availability, or if the work addresses events specific to this period but does not claim that the king's return has been formally proclaimed. This group has been further restricted to poems that advocate the king's return by directly addressing the figure of the king himself. Left out, then, are the large number of topical anti-Rump satires that Lucy Hutchinson remarked upon in her description of the king's return:

And indeed it was a wonder in that day to see the mutability of some, and the hypocrisy of others, and the servile flattery of all. Monck, like his better genius, conducted him, and was adored like one that had brought all the glory and felicity of mankind home with this prince.
The officers of the army had made themselves as fine as the courtiers, and everyone hoped in this change to change their condition, and disowned all things they had before adored. And every ballad singer sung up and down the streets ribald rhymes made in reproach of the late commonwealth and of all those worthies that therein endeavoured the people's freedom and happiness.106

    Lucy Hutchinson was by no means alone in her responses during the spring of 1660, and her sensitive account of what Christopher Hill calls "the experience of defeat," should come to mind whenever we are reading the often quoted words of Pepys and Evelyn.

   Also left out are all the verses, in a wide variety of genres, that were addressed to General Monk. Although I have included two broadsides that are properly anti-Rump satires (see A Psalme and The Case is Altered), I have not attempted to catalogue all such works; though doing so would enable us to examine how they represent the possibility of a return to monarchy. Recent studies by David Norbrook, Laura Knoppers, Nigel Smith and others have started to extend our understanding of these important works by examining specific titles, but a fully historicized and archivally informed study of anti-Rump satire is very much needed.107

   So too, Monk's importance as the subject of verse propaganda is sufficiently massive a topic to deserve independent study. I have included, as an appendix to this preface, a preliminary checklist of works containing poems to Monk: it does not claim to be comprehensive. The most deserving of close analysis are the verses addressed to him during the entertainments and masques held in his honor by the various London Guilds, many of which were subsequently published. How might the evidence of these omitted works change the picture of poetic activity that emerges from these sixteen pro-monarchy pieces? Do the satires on the Rump invariably recommend a return to monarchy? How influential were the various masques and "Entertainments" organized for Monk after his arrival in London? Leaving these works out remains a practical matter of limiting the scope of this edition to the work of a single life-time, but the consequences are worth briefly exploring.

   By including only poems addressing the king as a desired monarch, my concern has not been to suggest that poets constituted or imagined themselves an early consensus; on the contrary I am concerned rather with charting how the specific differences in form and attitude show a discourse being constructed from disparate ideological programmes. As these sixteen poems demonstrate, poets advocating the king's return in these months before his formal recall by Parliament frequently disagreed among themselves about what such a return should mean and how to write about it. Although the trade Guilds comissioned poets to address and advise Monk, and stationers comissioned ballads that encouraged pro-Restoration sentiments, such activities hardly constitute evidence that the press was being enrolled on behalf of an organized pro-Restoration campaign of verse propaganda during these early months. On the contrary, the common use of anonymous or false colophons and imprints on royalist publications -- such as "printed for Charles Prince, in the year, 1660" -- suggests there were still perceived dangers. Harold Weber in Paper Bullets has powerfully demonstrated how Charles and his governments used and controlled the press for their own purposes, but as Brian Weiser has noted, such efforts at control were neither uniform in operation nor consistent throughout Charles's reign.108 Certainly, during the early months of 1660, there is little evidence of a centralized royalist effort to control the published representations of the king. Moreover, poems representing the king were far fewer in number than the verse attacks on the Rump and the poems addressed to Monk which I have omitted, reminding us that the king was not yet fully the center of poetic attention.

[104] Harold Love, ed., The Penguin Book of Restoration Verse (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), p. 96.

[105] On the conditional nature of the Restoration in popular writing throughout the year, see Carolyn Edie, ""Right Rejoicing" and ""News from Abroad."

[106] Lucy Hutchinson, Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson (London: Dent, 1995), p. 278.

[107] See Norbrook, Writing and the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric and Politics, 1627-1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), Knoppers, Constructing Cromwell, and Smith, Literature and Revolution.

[108] Brian Weiser, "Owning the King's Story: The Escape from Worcester," The Seventeenth Century 14:1 (Spring 1999): 43-62.

Monk Marches on London

   Diarists of the time confirm that these first months of 1660 were a time of hesitation and uncertainty. In December 1659, when Pepys began his Diary in anticipation of great events, it would not have seemed very likely, even to him, that the king would be back in power by May. Pepys recalls personal and family events, money troubles and illnesses, but keeps a keen eye on current events. For Bulstrode Whitelocke, negotiating with the Stuart exiles seemed a reasonable option before Christmas; for him, loyalty to the old regime proved impossible to maintain once the regicides, Thomas Scot and John Lambert, struggled to keep the Rump in power. Skirmishes and bloodshed as early as 5 December resulted from demonstrations on behalf of recalling the excluded members.

   Freeing Parliament from the Rump was on many people's minds; but not all were necessarily hoping for the return of a Stuart king. The General Counsel of the officers signed against kingship on the 13th. By the 20th of December, Whitelocke wished "himselfe out of these dayly hazards, butt knew not how to gett free of them, the distractions were strangely high & daily increasing," and later records personal and political anxieties over what Monk and the army would demand once they arrived in London. Many began fearing that the king would be recalled; on 2 January a bill was approved by all members of Parliament against the title of Charles to the throne.

   With the collapse of the Rump on 16 January, Whitelocke saw the tide turning and went into hiding. He noted increasing evidence that Monk was playing an ambiguous game from news that was being brought to him by his wife who, from then on, served as his public intelligencer.

   Meanwhile, in Essex, Ralph Josselin had been nervous of renewed civil disturbance since August 1659, but December was for him as for Pepys a month of family illnesses and reassuring reports that all seemed mercifully quiet in London. Reporting word of Monk's journey to London as early as 15 January, Josselin reserves judgment: "General Monck is coming up to London, wee shall see to what intent, god remember his in mercy and all shall bee well."

   Monk's journey south is the subject of the best known poetic account of events during the first months of 1660. Robert Wild's Iter Boreale may mostly be remembered for drawing Dryden's contempt in the Essay of Dramatic Poesy (1668). Wild, Eugenius pronounces, "is the very Wither of the City ... When his famous poem first came out in the year 1660, I have seen them reading it in the midst of 'Change time; nay so vehement they were at it, that they lost their bargain by the candles' ends."109 This scene of reading could not have occured until after 23 April when Wild's poem appeared, mere days before the Convention Parliament sat for the first time. Whether real or imagined, Dryden's recollection of a moment, eight years previously, when the appearance of Wild's Iter Boreale interfered with the more important business of making money, suggests a sustained interest in reading about Monk and his journey to London, at the head of the army that would pressure the Rump to restore the excluded members and dissolve itself, thus precipitating the call for Charles to return.

    By late April, Monk was already a national hero much celebrated in print. Since January, he had been the direct subject of more than twenty poems, while Charles was the direct subject of fewer than sixteen. On the second of January Monk crossed the Tweed and immediately began attracting a great deal of attention from poets and propagandists. In short order, the ruddy-faced Devonian squire became the subject of a mythology linking him with the legendary Christian knight, St George. Before Monk left Scotland, his name was linked with the patron saint of England, though by witty negation. "'Tis not Saint George we sing of here," declared The Noble English Worthies, a broadside that Anthony Wood collected in December. Monk's Westcountry origins were swiftly and regularly elaborated upon as the mythology of a new St George, the "glory of the West," took shape.110

   By Wednesday, 11 January he reached York and on this day "complete victory was his" (Hutton 1985: p. 84) since any danger of armed resistance from Lambert's supporters had crumbled away. On Saturday 14 January, Monk's fellow Devonians, the "gentlemen" of Exeter, took it upon themselves to be among the very first to declare themselves publicly in favor of restoring the excluded members111. Bulstrode Whitelocke recorded in his diary on 23 January that he had received word how a "tumult in Excester, the people declaring for a free Parlement, [had been] quieted" (Whitelocke, Diary, p. 563).

   During the last days of January, petitions for restoring the excluded members appeared from various parts of the country. Many were addressed to Monk personally. On 24 January, Canterbury and Northampton had joined Exeter petitioning for Parliamentary reform. On the 25th, Ralph Josselin cynically noted in his diary, "the nacion looking more to Charles Stuart [than to Cromwell's family] out of love to themselves not him." The republican and friend of Milton, Colonel Robert Overton, declared himself ready to defend Hull against Monk's army, if need be, until 12 March, when he obeyed the Council of State and handed the city over to Fairfax. 112

   Whitelocke, Josselin, and Overton were by no means alone in feeling ill-disposed to the way events seemed to be going as Monk and his army moved south on London. Not all writers wanted to see in Monk a new St George from the West. Before January was over, the mythology surrounding Monk took a new turn as he became involved in the published libels of the times. An obscene and scurrilous prose tract that George Thomason dated "20 Jan." and entitled To His Excellency General Monck. The Humble Petition of the Lady Lambert,113 imagines "Lady Lambert" offering herself to Monk, hoping to divert him from his course. Three days later, however, Thomason collected another tract, A Curtain-Conference, in which John and "Lady" Lambert are imagined in bed, planning for the inevitable return of monarchy. 114 Before Monk had even reached London, royalist satirists were already imagining the dissolution of the Rump to be inevitable, given unfolding events, and sought to defame and demoralize opponents of the movement toward monarchy. But verses addressed to Monk were seldom scandalous. On the last day of January, a broadside appeared advising Monk to bring in a king:

NOw George for England, that brave Warrior bold,
That would not be by Lambert's force controul'd;
But did endeavour for the good o'th'Nation,
We hope to work a blessed Reformation,
And settle Kingly Power in this Dominion,
And then thou shalt be great in the Opinion
Of all good people that do fear the Lord,
And then no doubt they will with thee accord,
And say, Long live brave George in Wealth and Peace,
Bless thee with Honors, Plenty and Increase.

   Once he arrived in London on 3 February, poets announced the arrival of England's new St George who would victoriously rout the dragonish Rump Parliament. Some advised him that he must bring in the king, others hoped he would. An acrostick from later this month shows how Monk's very name mysteriously offered him advice:

M    Mount thy Horse,
O    On thy Army bring,
N    Neuter stand till
K    Restores the KING.

   Historians have noticed how Monk's "studied neutrality" continued during his negotiations with political forces in the capital city.116 Throughout the year, poets continued to recollect various details of incidents that took place from the time of Monk's arrival, suggesting that many of them were themselves in London at the time, or turned to newsbooks to refresh their memories.

   On Wednesday, 8 February, two days after Monk first addressed the House of Commons, householders and freemen of the city of London petitioned the Lord Mayor not to permit any authority that could not rightly claim legislative authority. Their petition started a rumour that citizens were preparing to withold taxes, in response to which the Committee of Safety ordered the Secretary of State, Thomas Scott, to command Monk to use his troops to subdue the city. Almost immediately, the Common Council of the city voted a tax strike that would remain in effect until the excluded members were readmitted. The next morning, Thursday the 9th, Scott ordered Monk to display his power over the city by arresting those citizens named as ringleaders in the tax strike, by removing the chains used to secure city streets, and by removing the city gates. Monk equivocated. On the 9th, Monk reluctantly complied with part of the order, arresting nine of the eleven named ringleaders and removing the chains. But he demurred about taking down the gates until the 10th, and then only after receiving a repeat command to do so (see Davis 1955: 278-79; Hutton 1985: 91-93). The next day, however, Monk turned on the Rumpers and presented his own ultimatum demanding new elections. This was "the first good omen" according to John Evelyn. Others agreed. That night, 11 February, the citizens of London took back the streets in a night of bonfires and carnival that Ronald Hutton has called "possibly the greatest expression of popular rejoycing London has ever known" (Hutton 1985: 93).

   Details about these days of early February often surface in the works of poets writing after Charles had returned, and there is plenty of contemporary evidence that, for many who were caught up in these events, the tensions and excitement that began with Monk's arrival in London and ended with the bonfires of 11 February marked a moment after which the Restoration seemed a likely option, however much Monk might keep his intentions to himself. At the time, nothing was very certain. One supporter of the king who seems to have been printing his personal chronicle of these events even as they were taking place, a young law student named Giles Duncombe, captured the passionate uncertainty of eager royalists during early February in his Scutum Regale: The Royal Buckler; or, VOX LEGIS, A Lecture to Traytors: Who most wickedly murthered CHARLES the I, AND Contrary to all Law and Religion banished CHARLES THE II. 3d MONARCH of GREAT BRITAIN. Towards the end of his peroration against those who have brought down and kept out monarchy, Duncombe vividly describes the indignity felt by many Londoners when Monk destroyed the defences which had been erected against royal intrusion back in 1643:

Monck prov'd worse than Pharaoh himself, and instead of relieving of our distressed Jerusalem ... he heaped misery to misery, and executed such a grand piece of Tyranny that none in the world ... could invent. On Thursday the ninth day of February, 1659 ... he drew up all his souldiers into the City, with their matches lighted, in a warlike posture, doubled his guards, and tore down all the gates, and posts of the City; neither did his intoxicated malice stay upon the gates, but leapt upon the Aldermen, and other Citizens, whom he presently cast into prison, so that now he is become odious, and stinks in the nostrils of all the Citizens and People: and whereas he was the common hopes of all men, he is now the common hatred of all men, as a Traytor more detestable than Oliver himself; who, though he manacled the Citizens hands, yet never took away the doores of their City, whereby all manner of beasts, (as well the Wolves at Westminster, as other out-lying Foxes, and Birds of prey) may come in, and destroy them when they please. (pp. 373-74).

   Within three pages, however, Duncombe starts all over again with a new section -- "Englands Redemption" -- and finds himself recanting his earlier complaint rather than cancelling the earlier pages:

No sooner had I written these last words of the momentary prosperity of the wicked, but immediately the same hour, news was brought me, that General Monck and the City were agreed, and resolved to declare for a free Parliament, and decline the Rump ... I was strucken with amazement, joy made me tremble, and the goodnesse of the news would scarce permit me to believe it. (p. 377)117

   Duncombe's interrupted narrative makes Scutum Regale one of the most interesting ephemeral publications of the Restoration year. Advertized in the Parliamentary Intelligencer 22 for the week 21-28 May (p. 348), copies of Scutum Regale show evidence of considerable stop-press actitivity. The Virgilian motto "Iam redit Astræa, Redeunt Saturnia regna," used by Dryden in June, also appears as a motto to the frontispiece found in some copies of Scutum Regale, one of which comes from Charles II's own collection. The Epistle to the Reader, anagrammatically signed "Cimelgus Bonde," ends with a prayer for the arrival of "Charls the 2d our Augustus, and Cæsars Successor" (sig. A4v), suggesting that Duncombe may very well have been the earliest writer to name Charles as Augustus in print.

   Throughout February and March, verses addressing Monk and his heroic achievements battling the Rump continued to appear. On Tuesday 21 February, he brought in the excluded members,118 and poets were quick to celebrate the event in ballads such as Saint George, and the Dragon, Englands Triumph. Or The Rump Routed, which declares itself written "To the Tune of, Fill up the Parliament full," "G. Tichwhit"'s General Monks Welcome ... To the Tune of, When the King Enjoys his Own again, and Redemptio Ab Aquilone which ends:

Then George for England strike up thy Drum
And do thy devoir this Rump destroy,
That Noble King Charles the second may come,
And our streets may eccho with Vive le Roy.

   Similar works continued to appear during March (see Appendix). In this month William Davenant and John Denham published the first formal panegyrics addressed to the general on behalf of royalist interests. The Clothworkers and Drapers were the earliest of the London guilds to commission verse speeches addressing Monk to be performed at entertainments held in his honour. During April, the Skinners, Goldsmiths, Vintners, and Fishmongers all held entertainments for Monk involving performance pieces that were subsequently printed. On St George's day, 23 April, Wild's Iter Boreale appeared. Two weeks later, the Convention Parliament declared Charles king and by May, Monk had resigned his position as centre of interest to the poets. But not entirely. Monk continued to appear in poems directly addressed to the king and continued to attract poems in his honour well into the summer.

   Once it started to look extremely likely that Charles would be returned, poets began directing their attentions more directly to the man who was about to become king. Several ballads representing Charles appeared following the dissolution of the Rump on 16 March. Engraved portraits of Charles, with verses by John Ogilby, appeared early as late March, marking a distinct interest in the personal appearance of the future king. But during April, the presses remained relatively quiet on the subject of the king.

   This section ends with the formal verse "portrait" by Richard Flecknoe, although this undatable work almost certainly appeared later in the year.

[109] Cited by George de Forrest Lord, anthology of POAS, headnote to standard scholarly edition of Wild's poem. Did Dryden's attack on Wild have anything to do with the poem being published by Thomason, a friend of Milton? how was Dryden feeling about Milton at the time?

[110] See the broadside, The Glory of the West or, The Tenth Renowned Worthy, and most Heroick Champion of this Brittish Island. Being an unparallel'd Commemoration of General Monck's coming towards the City of London (London, printed for Charles Gustavus. O Wood 416(39), ms dated "January 1659"; L1 c.20.f.2(36), L2 82.L.8(25)) which seems to have appeared as early as January.

[111] See A Letter from Exeter, advertising the state of affairs there (Printed for Thomas Creake), LT 669.f.22(74).

[112] Whitelocke, Diary, p. 575; on Colonel Robert Overtson, see Spalding, ed., Contemporaries, p. 233, DNB.

[113] London, Printed for Henry James. Prose brs. LT 669.f.23(6), ms dated "20 Jan."

[114] A Curtain-Conference, Being a Discourse betwixt (the late Lord Lambert, now) John Lambert Esq; and his Lady, As they lay a Bed together one night at their House at Wimbleton. London, printed for W. L. the Common-Wealths Fortune Teller. Prose brs. LT 669.f.23(10), ms dated "23 Jan."

[115] Advice to Gen. Monck: By a Friend that wisheth his Happiness LT 669.f.23(19), ms dated "31 Jan 1660"; OW L.R.8(32), ms dated "Feb 1659."

[116] David Ogg, England in the Reign of Charles II, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934), 1:21.

[117] [Compare Pair of Prodigals on Monk's activities at this stage.]

[118] See Public Intelligencer 219 (20-27 February), p. 1119.

Appendix: An Annotated Calendar of Poems Addressing General Monk on the Eve of the Restoration, December 1659-July 1660.

   This list of verses addressed to Monk is certain to have omitted works that should have been included. It requires supplementing by a carefull examination of the many prose tracts in the Thomason Tracts and elsewhere.

   Works are calendared in chronological order; shelfmarks are given to copies I have examined and are not a comprehensive list of extant works.

December and January

   The Noble English Worthies. "'Tis not Saint George we sing of here." LONDON, Printed by Tho. Milbourn and are to be sold at his House in Jewen Street. brs. 0 Wood 416(24); LT 669.f.22(36), ms dated "December 1659"; L c.20.f.4(75).

   The Glory of the West or, The Tenth Renowned Worthy, and most Heroick Champion of this Brittish Island. Being an unparallel'd Commemoration of General Monck's coming towards the City of London. London, printed for Charles Gustavus. brs. O Wood 416(39), ms dated "January 1659"; L1 c.20.f.2(36); L2 82.L.8(25).

   Advice to Gen. Monck: By a Friend that wisheth his Happiness. brs. LT 669.f.23(19), ms dated "31 Jan 1660"; OW L.R.8(32), ms dated "Feb 1659."


   Saint George, and the Dragon, Anglice, Mercurius Poeticus: To the Tune of, The Old Souldjour [sic] of the Queens, &c. brs. LT 669.f.23(66), ms dated "28 Feb 1659/60"; OW L.R.8.32.

   Englands Triumph. Or The Rump Routed By the true Assertor of Englands Interest, Generall George Monck. A Sonet. To the Tune of, Fill up the Parliament full. London: Printed for James Johnson. O Wood 416(48), ms dated "Feb. 1659."; L1 c.20.f.2(34); L2 c.20.f.4(72).

   Redemptio Ab Aquilone, Or some Good out of Scotland, To the Tune of Cook Laurell. O Wood 416(46), ms. dated "1659: feb".

   "G. Tichwhit," General Monks Welcome (From the Citie) to Whitehall. To the Tune of, When the King Enjoys his Own again. O Wood 416(52), ms dated "Feb 1659"; OW L.R.8.32.


   Monasticon, OR LONDON's Gratulation to the Lord General. The sixth of March, 1660. brs. L 82.L.8(24).

    The Second Part of Saint George for England. To the Tune of, To drive the cold Winter away brs. O Wood 416(54), ms dated "March 1659/60"; LT 669.f.24(4), ms dated "7 March 1659/60."

   A Speech Made To The Lord General MONCK, at Clotheworkers Hall in London The 13. of March, 1659. at which time he was there entertained by that Worthie Companie O1 Wood 398(3); O2 Firth b.20(16); LT 669.f.24(8); L c.20.f.2(27).

   William Davenant, A Panegyrick to his Excellency, The Lord General MONCK. London, Printed for Henry Herringman, 1659. O Wood 416(66), ms dated "March"; LT 669.f.24(33), ms dated "24 March"; L c.20.f.2(25).

   A Speech Spoken to his Excellency the Lord General Monk, By one Representing the Genius of ENGLAND at Drapers-Hall, Wednesday the 28. of March. Printed for Richard Andrews. brs. LT 669.f.24(46); L c.20.f.2(26); OW L.R.8.32.

   Dialogue betwixt Tom and Dick The former a COUNTRY-MAN, The other a CITIZEN, presented to his EXCELLENCY and the COUNCIL of STATE, at Drapers-Hall in LONDON, March 28. 1660. (To the tune of I'le never love thee more.) O Firth b. 20(21); LT 669.f.24(49), ms dated "30 March"; L1 c.20.f.2(38); L2 c.20.f.4(63); L3 c.40.m.11(5).

   Walter Yeokney, A Speech Made to his Excellency The Lord General MONCK, and the Councell of State, at Drapers-hall in London: The 28th of March, 1660. At which time they were entertained by that honourable Company. "The Reader may take notice that the other Speech is a forged cheat, and disowned by Walter Yeokney." LONDON: Printed for Henry Broome at the Gun in Ivy-lane, 1660. O Wood 398(5); LT 669.f.24(46).

   [John Denham?], A PANEGYRICK ON HIS EXCELLENCY The LORD GENERAL GEORGE MONCK: Commander in Chief of all the Forces IN ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, AND IRELAND. LONDON, Printed for Richard Marriot in Fleetstreet, 1659. L1 Ashley 624; L2 Lutt.II.72; L3 c.20.f.2(34); O Wood 319(8), ms note: "March: said to be made by Jo. Denham: see whether it be in his works -- -". See also Woods, AO (1721 ed) 2: 423. Banks in Poems accepts and includes this; O Hehir in Harmony from Discords isn't so sure (pp. 152-53).

   "T. B.", The Muses congratulatory Address to his Excellency the Lord General MONCK. "Awake ye sacred Quire the night is past..." O Wood 416(72), ms dated "March 1660"; LT 669.f.24(54), ms dated "5 April".


   A Speech to the Lord General Monck at Skinners-hall April the fourth, 1660. Spoken by Mr. W. Bard. London, Printed for John Towers 1660. O Wood 398(6); LT 669.f.24(55), ms dated "5 April".

   Walter Yeokney, A Song to his Excellency the Ld. General Monck, at Skinners-Hall on Wednesday April 4. 1660...The Reader may take notice that this is the right Speech, sung by W. Yeokney. Printed for William Anderson, 1660. L c.20.f.2(29).

   Thomas Jordan, A Speech Made to his Excellency the Lord General Monck, and the Council of State, at Goldsmiths Hall in London, the tenth day of April, 1660. At which time they were entertained by that honourable Company. London, Printed for H. B. at the Gun in Ivy-Lane, 1660. O Wood 398(7); LT 669.f.24(59), ms dated "11 april"; L c.20.f.2(30).

   Walter Yeokney, The Speech spoken to the Lord General Monck at Goldsmiths-Hall April the tenth, 1660. By Walter Yolkney. London, printed for John Towers. LT 669.f.24(58), ms dated "11 April".

   Thomas Jordan, A Speech made to his Excellency George Monck General, &c. The Twelfth day of Aprill, M.DC.LX. At a Solemn Entertainment at Vinteners-Hal. Wherein his Illustrious Virtues are shaddowed forth under the Emblem of a Vine. O Wood 398(8); Manchester Chetham Halliwell-Phillips #2746 (copy torn and cropped at bottom); LT 669.f.24(61), ms dated "13 April"; L c.20.f.2(31); OW L.R.8.32.

   Cyprian Southaick, Fames Genius. OR, A PANEGYRICK Upon tHis Excellency the Lord General Monck. At Vintners-Hall, Thursday the 12th of April 1660. London, Printed for J. Jones and are to be sold at the Royal Exchange in Cornhil, 1660. LT 669.f.24(62), ms dated "13 April".

   Thomas Jordan, A Speech made to his Excellency the Lord General Monck and the Council of State, at Fishmongers-Hall in London. The Thirteenth of April, 1660. At which time they were entertained by that Honorable Company. "After a Song of Difference betwixt the Lawyer, the Soldier, the Citizen and the Countrey-man. The Chorus being ended. Enter the Ghost of Massianello Fisher-man of Naples. [text] Spoken by Walter Youkcny [sic]". London, Printed by W. Godbid over against the Anchor Inn in Little Brittain. 1660. O Wood 398(9); Manchester Chetham Halliwell-Phillips #2747 (torn); L c.20.f.2(32) (torn); OW L.R.8.32.

   Bacchus Festival, Or, a New medley Being A Musical Representation at the Entertainment of his Excellency the Lord General Monck. At Vintners-Hall, April 12. 1660. brs. LT 669.f.24(64), ms dated "13 April".

   Robert Wilde, Iter Boreale. Attempting something upon the Successful Matchless March of the Lord General George Monck, From Scotland to London, The Last Winter, &c. By a Rural Pen. London, Printed on St George's Day, for George Thomason at the Rose and Crown in St Pauls Churchyard, 1660. LT E.1021(13), ms dated "23 April"; OB 910.h.13(26), Nicholas Crouch bought this copy for 1d in the 1690s.


   Richard Farrar, A Panegyrick to his Excellency the Lord General Monck. London, Printed by John Macock. May 22. 1660. brs. LT 669.f.25(29), date in colophon.


   "J. H." Englands Joy, Expressed in an 'EPINI'KON, To the most Renowned Man of Honor, and Temporal Redeemer of the Prince, Peers, and People of this Land, His Excellencey The Lord General Monck. London, Printed for M. B. 1660. brs. LT 669.f.25(50), ms dated "25 June".

   This broadside was attributed to James Howell by Hazlitt, but William H. Vann, in Notes on the Writings of James Howell (Waco, Texas: Baylor University Press, 1924), argues against the attribution thus: Payne Fisher left it out of his edition of Howell's Poems and Howell did not write "political verses", though some of the idioms are suitable. Vann suggests "If he did write the lines to Monk, he was probably the same J. H. who, on April 30th of that year gave forth "England's Genius Pleading for King Charles," a one-sheet broadside, and "England's Joy For the coming of King Charles II," May 4th. All these give evidence of the same hand; but I am doubtful whether Howell was the author" (pp. 62-3). Curiously, neither of these works, which are included in this anthology, are signed "J. H." The latter is by Henry Brome; a shorter version appeared under the title "For General Monk his Entertainment at Cloath-workers Hall" in Brome's Poems (1661).


   W. Drummond, Anagram Of his Excellency the Lord Generall George Monck, King Come Ore. brs. LT 669.f.25(63), ms dated "25 July"; HH [not found]. To be included in this anthology.

Undatable Poems to Monk

   An Essay to A Continuation of Iter Boreale, Attempting soemthing upon the happy influence, which that seasonable and successful march of the Lord Generall Monck Out of the North, had upon the Arts and Sciences. The Second Part. By a Lover of Learning. London, Printed for R.S. 1660. O Firth e.157(4).

   Robert Howard, "A Panegyrick to Generall MONCK," in Poems, pp. 283-5.

   William Moorhead, Lachrimæ Sive Valediction Scotiæ ... The Teares and Valediction of Scotland Upon the Departing of her Governour, the Lord Generall George Monck. By H. Brugis for the Author, 1660. Wing M613. O, OW, CT; CH, MH.

   The Noble Monk: OR, An Acrostical Panegyrick to the memory of his Excellency The Lord General Monk. London, Printed by Tho. Milbourn for the Author. brs. LT 669.f.23(49).

   The Pedegree and Descent of His Excellency, General George Monck. Setting forth how He is descended from King EDWARD the Third, by a Branch and Skip of the WHITE ROSE, THE House of York. And likewise, His Extraction from RICHARD King of the ROMANS. WITH The State, Title and Descents of the Houses of YORK and LANCASTER in their several Branches. London, Printed for W. Godbid 1659. OC A.73.(34).

   Samuel Pordage, "A Panegyrick to his Excellency General Monck" in Poems, sigs B2-B4.

   "J. W.", Englands Heroick Champion. Or the ever renowned Generall George Monck, through whose Valor and prudence Englands antient Liberties are restored, and a Full and Free parliament now to be called, to the great joy of the Nation. London, Printed for John Andrews a at the White Lion near Pye Corner. Bl brs. L Rox.III.246.

    The British Library Catalogue attributes this to John Wade, following Ebsworth, RB.

   "W. Y.", The Entertainment of the Lady Monk, At Fishers-Folly. Together with an Addresse made to her by a Member of the College of Bedlam at her visiting those Phanatiques. Printed 1660. O Wood 398(10).

J. W.
"A Second Charles" 119
[undated: February ?]

   The title has been torn away from the only copy of this broadside that I have been able to find, so I have adopted the catch phrase from the chorus.

   The "J. W." who signed this ballad remains obscure. The publisher, John Andrews, issued numerous early works celebrating the Restoration, including another broadside also signed "J. W.," The King and Kingdomes Joyful Day of Triumph, as well as a second issue of Alexander Brome's ENGLAND'S JOY For the Coming in of our Gracious Soveraign, A Glimpse of Joy, and "J. P."'s The Loyal Subjects hearty Wishes, which was found among the "trunk" ballads. Although written to a different stanzaic pattern, The King and Kingdomes Joyful Day of Triumph picks up the story of Charles's return exactly where "A Second Charles" leaves off, suggesting they may have been commissioned by Andrews from the same balladeer.

   Ebsworth has proposed that the "J. W." who wrote this later ballad may have been John Wade, who sometimes published his work with Andrews, and who often signed with his initials (RB, 9:33-34). The British Library catalogue has accepted that Wade was the "J. W." who authored a ballad to Monck, Englands Heroick Champion, which was also published by Andrews.120 Further, Ebsworth also attributes The Royall Oak, printed by Charles Tyus, and signed "J. W." to Wade, but with no special evidence in either case.121 In the absence of further precise evidence, while there is no reason to suppose that the "J. W." in each case may not be the same, whether it is Wade or not seems inconclusive.

   In this work, the king is implored, "Do but return and save us now," and promised that were he to do so, "we will Crown thy lovely Brow." These, and the closing lines of the ballad, are the only internal evidence for dating this ballad, and suggest that "A Second Charles" may have appeared early in the year, before or shortly after Monk entered London. Certainly the general terms of desire described here suggest a moment before it was known whether Monk would support a return to monarchy.

[119] Wing: [not Wing]. Bl brs. Copies: EN Crawford Ballad 990, removed from MR.

[120] Englands Heroick Champion. Or the ever renowned Generall George Monck, through whose Valor and prudence Englands antient Liberties are restored, and a Full and Free parliament now to be called, to the great joy of the Nation, Printed for John Andrews; L Rox.III.246.

[121] See "J. W.", The Royall Oak, included in "The Escape From Worcester" section of this anthology.

"A Second Charles"

OUr Age strange things hath brought to light,
And time hath chased away the night;
Now doth our Sun his beames display
And shows to us a lightsome day.
     England cheer up, do not repine,
     A second Charles his Sun shall shine.

Black and dark was our morning Star,
As darksome night or far blacker,
A woful change did so increase
10: Within our little universe:
     England cheer up, do not repine
     A second Charles his Sun shall shine.

But now our bright morning doth arise
And golden hopes doth paint our skies,
15: Which in our hearts doth comfort breed
Because in heaven it is decreed
     All sorrows let us now refrain
     A second Charls once more shall Reign.

And let us now our selves commit,
20: To him that doth in Heaven sit:
Our case that he to mind will call
After our sad and great downfall,
     That we this comfort may obtain
     That a second Charles once more may Raign.

25: He will us govern you shall see,
In Love, and Peace, and Unity:
And from all harms will us defend
'Gainst all that with us do contend.
     Each others love then we shall gain
When that a second Charles doth Reign.

He shall our King and Shepherd be,
And lead us to felicity:
To us he will example give
Even all the dayes that he doth live.
And peacefully he will us guide
     Unto those streames that sweetly glide.

And he will us so with love inure,
And cause us for to be secure
From all our forreign enemies,
40: And all Assaults and Batteries.
     He will our Rightful Cause maintain,
     When that in England he doth Reign.

Light out of darkness is now display'd,
Which was before in darknes laid;
45: True Oracles shall never fail.
Nor miracles to make men quail:
     Charles shall his Fathers right attain
     Over these Nations for to Reign.

And shall be seated upon his Throne,
50: Where many years there hath been none
Which is upheld with pillers four,
Justice, and Truth, Mercy, and Power.
     Earthly perfection we then shall gain,
     When that a second Charles doth Reign.

The second part, to the same Tune.


55: THen shall we hear sweet harmony,
Without him there's no melody:
He is sweeter to fair Englands minde,
Then any meat that she can finde.
     She doth desire him to attaine
And have a second Charles again.

He's our Physician, he can ease
Our mindes, and cure our disease,
And heal our drooping heavy hearts;
And also cure our outward smarts.
And Englands peace he will maintain
     When that a second Charles doth Reign.

Although our foes at us let fly,
And us assault with battery,
He will discomfort them we know,
70: By earthly powers here below:
     Of forreign Nations we love shall gain
     When that a second Charles doth Reign.

Charles is Englands resplendant Sun,
For want of whom we are undone:
75: d have been by tyranny
And seduced long by subtlilty:
     Now all our longings are in vain,
     Except a second Charles do Reign.

Charles show to us thy Rosie face,
80: With gentle offers of thy grace;
With reverence which we all admire
Thy graces which we all desire;
     Let all men palms and laurels bring,
     For to Crown Charles our gracious King.

85: Our sorrows then thou shalt subdue,
And all our former joyes renew;
Now lift us up with all thy strength,
Let us enjoy sweet peace at length.
     Our hearts doth in thy brest remain,
And we desire that Charles may Reign.

The Tyrant's dead that sought to spill
The innocent and him to kill;
Do but return and save us now,
And we will Crown thy lovely Brow
With praise and prayers once again,
     When that in England thou doest Reign.

Great Charles for thee we all will pray,
And for George Monck, both night and day,
And for his Army great and small
100: God bless and eke preserve them all:
     And for the Parliament again,
     That Charles the second he may Reign.

J. W.
London, Printed for John Andrews,
at the White Lion near Pye-Corner.

A Psalme122
15 February

   Although this anti-Rump satire anticipates the Restoration only obliquely, and addresses the king not at all, I have included it here since the treatment offered of the events of Saturday 11 February -- the day of the "roasting of the Rump" -- seems sufficiently important to warrant inclusion. Pepys recorded a detailed description of the celebrations following Monk's presentation of his ultimatum to the Rump. Returning home from Cheapside that evening, "it being about 10 a-clock," he noticed

the common joy that was everywhere to be seen! The number of bonefires, there being fourteen between St. Dunstan's and Temple Bar. And at Strand bridge I could at one view tell 31 fires. In King-streete, seven or eight; and all along burining and roasting and drinking for rumps -- there being rumps tied upon sticks and carried up and down. The buchers at the maypole in the Strand rang a peal with their knifes when they were going to sacrifice their rump. On Ludgate-hill there was one turning of the spit, that had a rump tied upon it, and abother basting of it. Indeed, it was past imagination, both the greatness and the suddeness of it.

   But there is nothing in Pepys's account that indicates he thought the spontanious joy in any way anticipated the king's return.

   Thomason dated his copy of this ballad on 15 February.

[122] Wing: P4148. Brs. Copies: O Wood 416(40), ms dated "1659" COPYTEXT; LT 669.f.23(43), ms dated "15 Feb."; CH microfilm of LT copy.

By the PEOPLE, before the
Made in and about the City of
On the 11th. of February.
To the Tune of Up tayles all.

COme lets take the Rump
And wash it at the Pump,
For tis now in a shitten case:
Nay if it hang an Arse
5: Weel pluck it down the stares,
And toast it at Hell for its grease.

Let the Divell be the Cook
And the roast overlook,
And lick his own fingers apace;
10: For that may be borne,
(If he take it not in scorne
To lick such a privy place.)

Though we are bereft
Of our Armes, Spits are left,
15: Whereon the Rump we will roast;
Wee'l prick it in the Tayle
And bast it with a flayl
Till it stink like a Cole-burnt Toast.

It hath laine long in brine,
20: Made by the peoples eyne,
So tis salt though unsavory meat;
Wee'l draw it round about
With Welsh Parsley,123 and no doubt
It will choak Pluto's great Dog to eat.

25: We will not be mockt
This Rump hath been dock't,
And if our skill doth not fail;
To feare it is good,
Or else all the blood
30: In the body, lean out at the Tayl.

Then downe in your Ire
With this Rump to the fire,
Get Harrington's Rota to turne it;124
35: If paper be lack't The Assessment Act 125
You may stick upon't least ye burn it.

But see there my Masters
It rises in blisters
And lookes very big in the matter;
40: Like a roasting Pigs eare
It sings, doe ye heare
'Tis enough come quickly the Platter.

Lay Trenchers and Cloth
And away bring the broth,
45: Did the Divell o'th Fag end make none;
But hold by your leave
Napkins we must have
To wipe our mouthes when we have done.

Come Ladyes pray where?
50: Will you none of our cheare?
Are yee of such a squeamish nature?
Pray what is your reason,
Are Rumps out of season?
But tis an abuse to the Creature.

55: Come wee'l fall on
Pray cut me a bone
The Meat may be healthfull and sound;
Fogh! come let us bury't
To th'hole we must carry't
60: This Rump it stinks above ground.

This fire wee'l stile
The Funerall pile,
The Grave shall be under the Gallowes;
The Vane shall be th'scull,
65: Of some Trayterous Fool,
And the Epitaph shall be as followes.

Underneath these Stones
A Rump-Corporates bones
Are laid full low in a sink,
70: And we doe implore yee
Let them rest, for the more yee
     Doe stir them, the more they will stink.


[123] Welsh Parsley: OED cites Fletcher, The Elder Brother (1625) 1.2. "In tough Welsh Parsley, which in our vulgar tongue, is strong Hempen Halters."

[124] Attempting to provide an alternative to a return of monarchy, James Harrington proposed a Senate comprised of annually rotating members: see The Rota: Or, A Model of a Fress-State or equall Commonwealth (LT E.1013(7), ms. dated "9 Jan."), and The Wayes and Meanes whereby an equal & lasting Commonwealth may be suddenly introduced and perfectly founded with Free Consent of the People of England (LT E.1015(14), ms dated "8 Feb." In the second edition of The Ready and Easy way to Establish a Free Commonwealth, Milton swiftly attacked such proposals for their "inconveniencies [which] cannot but be troublsome and chargeable, both in thir motion and thir session, to the whole land," Complete Prose, ed. Robert W. Ayers and Austin Woolrych, revised edition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), 7: 441.

[125] When first printed, the Assessment Act passed in January ran to over ninety pages: Thomason dated his copy of An act for an Assessment of one hundred thousand Pounds by the moneth upon England, Scotland and Ireland, for six months (Printed by John Streater and John Macock) on 26 January, the same day it was passed; LT E.1074(27). The Act is reprinted in Firth and Rait, Acts and Ordinances, 2: 1355-1403.

T[homas] R[obins] The Loyall Subjects Joy 1
[undated: late February?]

   The two copies of this ballad I have examined indicate stop-press activity and suggest that the stationers William Gilbertson and Charles Tyus employed the same print shop. The copy of this ballad in the British Library has been printed on the back of The beautiful Shepherdesse of Arcadia. A new pastarell Song of a courteous young Knight, and a supposed Shepheards Daughter. To a gallant tune, called the Shepheards Delight, which was printed in London for William Gilbertson. The copy in the Euing collection of Glasgow University is identical apart from the title, which is given as The Royall Subjects Joy. In both instances, the stationer is named as Charles Tyus.

   Why has this ballad been ascribed to Thomas Robins, and not The Royall Subjects Warning-piece to all Traytors, issued later in the year, which is also signed "T. R." but bears no stationer's colophon?2 It may be mere chance that the two broadsides happen to be bound next to each other in the Euing collection, but they would seem to have been printed by the same press. But if they are by the same printer and author, why would Charles Tyus sign a piece of work early in the year when things might still have gone the other way, and then not sign what is presumably a later work?

   Robins was a prolific writer of ballads who seems to have been specially active in the period 1650-1670 (see Wing STC).

   This ballad is optimistic of the future if Charles and Monk can come to some agreement, so has been placed in late February. The claim that there is money at hand to pay soldiers their back wages is as optimistic as the hope that Charles will "pull all Taxes down."

[1] Wing: R87A and R1650D, variant title. Copies: L Rox.III.160a COPYTEXT; GU Euing 309, gives title as "Royall Subjects Joy."

[2] Although an anti-Rump satire, this ballad will be issued later in this anthology.

The Loyall 3Subjects Joy, OR,

Joyfull news to all that faithfull be,
And doth desire a happy year to see,
To see the same let all good Christians pray
That Charles in peace, may Crown and Scepter sway,
Then should we see such love in fair England,
No forreign Nation durst against us stand.
The Tune is, Sound a charge.


YOU Loyall Subjects all
sing for joy, sing for joy;
Good news here's at White-Hall,
sing for joy.
5: A second Charles is come,
Though heavy news to some,
Let them say no more but mum.
sing for joy, sing for joy.

Long time we did him want,
10: sing for joy, sing for joy;
Which made all trading scant,
sing for joy;
But now I hope that we
Shall better trading see,
15: And live in unity.
sing for joy, &c.

Our Royal Parliament,
I hope will give content,
20: sing for joy.
That Charles of high renown,
In peace may wear the Crown,
And pull all Schisms down,

25: For George our Generall
sing for joy,&c.
Let us pray both great and small,
sing for joy.
That faithfull he may stand,
30: For the good of fair England,
Then we will fight with heart and hand

For if Charles do wear the Crown,
35: And pull all Taxes down,
sing for joy.
Then Quakers look about,
For you will have the rout
of that there is no doubt,
40: sing,&c.

The Gospell flourish shall,
Heavens bless them at White-hall
45: Lord grant they may agree,
That we all may see,
And joyful unity,

[3] Loyall] L; Royall GU

The Second Part, To the same Tune.

FOr Sects and Schisms they,
50: sing &c.
Shall in England bear no sway,
sing, &c.
Quaker nor any other
Which would the Gospell smother.
55: If that he were my Brother,
sing, &c.

Good Souldiers will not daunt,
sing, &c.
What, though they mony want,
60: sing, &c.
Their Arrears are all at hand,
That will true and faithfull stand,
And be at Charles4 and Georges command.
sing, &c.

65: England rejoice with me.
sing, &c.
We happy days shall see,
sing for, &c.
For I hope all Trades will mend,
70: And cruell wars will end,
Peace so much will stand our friend,
sing, &c.

Merchants of high renown
sing, &c.
75: If Charles enjoy the Crown,
sing &c.
Most happy dayes you'l see,
Trading so good will be,
If Charles and George agree.
80: sing &c.

If all this to pass do come,
sing &c.
Then let both all and some
sing for joy.
85: Then will all Englands foes
Lament their grievous woes,
For fear of English blows,
sing, &c.

So to conclude I cry
85: sing, &c.
For peace and liberty.
sing, &c.
Let all true Subjects stand
For the good of fair England,
90: Under Charles and George command.
sing, &c.

So as I first begun,
sing, &c.
My Subject still shall run,
95: sing, &c.
Let all good Christians pray
That Peace may hear the sway,
Amen, Amen I say.
sing for joy, sing for joy,

T. R.
London, Printed for Charles Tyus on London-Bridge.

[4] Charles] ed; Charles s L, GU

Upon the Kings Most Excellent Majestie1 February; rpt. 16 March

   Soon after first appearing in February, Upon the Kings Most Excellent Majestie was re-issued as News From the Royall Exchange; both Woods and Thomason agree that the reprint appeared during March. This later version is almost identical with the initial printing apart from a few minor variants and a more explicit and longer title, which appears in double columns and reads thus:

News from the Royall Exchange: OR, Gold turn'd into Mourning: FROM

Exit Tyrannus Regum Ultimus An-}   {  ECCE!
no Libertatis Angliæ Restitutæ}   {Exit non Tyrannus, sed Regnum Homi-
primo. Januarii 30. Anno Dom.} TO{numq; optimus Anno Angliæ Fo/elici-
1648.   }  {tatis Ultimo.


The last Tyrant of Kings dyed in the first Year of}
the Liberty of England Restored, January 30.}
     {Behold! It was not a Tyrant King that dyed, but the
     {best of Kings and Men, that suffered in the last Year
     {of Englands Felicity.

   News bears one of the most common of the polemical false imprints to be found on royalist publications of the early months of the year, "London, Printed for Charles King. 1660." A further undatable variant reprint was issued, but the only copy I have seen has the title cut away.

   At issue in these broadsides is the inscription that had been set up in the Royal Exchange where a statue of Charles I had once stood. After his execution in 1649, the statue was removed and the Latin motto put in its place. This inscription was removed, but not until 15 March, later than the copy of this broadside dated February by Wood. For details of 15 March, see the broadside An Exit to the Exit Tyrannus.

[1] Wing: U1113. Brs. Copies: O1 Wood 416(55), ms dated "feb" COPYTEXT; O2 13. é.79(69) [reported missing since 1979]. Variant reprint: News From The Royall Exchange: / OR, / Gold turn'd into Mourning: / [text] / London, printed for Charles King. 1660. Wing: N1014. Brs. Copies: LT 669.f.24(15), ms dated "16 March"; L C.40.m.11(27); O3 Wood 416(69), ms dated "March"; MH; Y. Another Reprint: "An Anagram and Acrostick on CHARLES STUART KING." Wing (3rd ed): A3046A. Brs. Copies: L [listed Wing, not found]; OW L.R.8.32, title cut away.

Upon the KINGS Most Excellent MAJESTIE An Anagam & Acrostick. CHARLES STUART


Arts Chast Rule.


C Crowns of Gold with Gemms beset are vain,
H Heavenly Crowns of Content are 3Gain:
A A shaddow is the Throne this World affords,
R Riches and Honours are but weights with Cords
5: L Loading the Princes shoulders, who them bare,
E Each Common trouble call's for them to share.
S Soul therefore let thy Meditation 4
S Soar higher for a Habitation:
T Treasure up Goods where neither Moth nor rust
10: U (Undervalue things that turn to dust)
A Are able to corrupt, that so thy Heart,
R Rising above the highth of mans desert,
T Triumphing 5 may released be of smart.

[2] Acrostick-] O1; An Acrostick upon King Charles. O3

[3] are] ä are only OW

[4] Meditation] ä Mediation OW

[5] Triumphing] ed; Tiumphing O1; Triumphing O3; Tryumphing OW

Arts Chast Rule,7


15: TIll Arts Chast Rule we do approve,
And all things seek to win by Love,
We must all miseries endure,
Not Goods, nor Lands, nor Lives secure
Can we expect, when each day brings
20: New Changes, and new Sufferings:
Wherefore Call in and him Enthrone,
Who only can lay Claim to th'Crown;
Let not the towring minds of men,
Insult for private Interests then;
25: But Tribute give to whom 'tis due,
That so GODS Blessing may ensue,
Lest he O'return, o'return, o'return,
And many Towns and Cities Burn:
And waste the Nation, to perform
30: His Word which shall not be forlorn:
Who hath it promised to give,
To whom 'tis due as he doth Live:
Therefore do not his Word withstand,
But to Its Right restore the Land;
35: By which a Pardon you may find,9
When to Repentance ye're enclin'd:
That so in Peace your dayes may end,
Which in this World God doth you lend.

[6] Anagram.] O1; CHARLES STUART. / ANAGRAM, News ; om OW

[7] Rule,] O1; Rule. News

[8] Epigram.] ä om OW

[9] you] ä ye OW

The Peoples Complaint through want of their Exil'd Sovereigne LORD the KING.10

WEE Englishmen are worse than Æsops Frogs,11
40: We call'd those Tyrant12 Kings which were but Logs,
For when both Peace and plenty fil'd our Nation,
We not content cry out for Reformation;
Jove sent us Storks, who in short time devour
One hundred thousand Natives by their Power:
45: This strikes us to the Heart, and we bethink
How to repair our Chains, broak Linck from Linck.
We try a Parliament which doth not please,
We make of them a Rump, and yet not cease,
We reform our General to a Protector,
50: Who turn'd out Rumps, and play'd the gallant Hector.
He Parliaments did call, and they did come,
He turn'd them out and left an empty Room,
Till Jove call'd them aside by a great wind,
Who left us all to grope like those are blind;
55: For when his Son did take the Royal Throne,
We cry'd a Log, a Log, and threw him down:
We call'd the Rumps again we had before,
Who by a Cipher were turn'd out of doore:
A Safe Committee then did rule the Roast,
60: Of which we have no reason for to boast:
Our Rump did worm them out, and sat againe,
Till twice they Roasted were, which work't their bane:13
At last the Parliament of forty-eight,
Began to sit inth'House in former State;
65: At their re-sitting all the Bells14 did Ring,
Much more they will when we have Charles our King.15

Printed for Theodorus Microcosmus 1660.

[10] part break and title] ä; om OW

[11] Frogs,] ä; Foggs, OW

[12] Tyrant] O1; Tryant News

[13] bane] ä; baine OW

[14] Bells] ä; Bell O3

[15] we have Charles our King.] ä; that we have a King. OW

[16] colophon] O1; London, Printed for Charles King. 1660. News; om OW

The Case is altered1
[undated: 16 March-25 April]

   Although strictly an anti-Rump satire, this piece directly calls for the king's return and has been included here in order to keep the collection of "trunk" ballads intact. The text is defective in many places but the ballad evidently belongs to the moment between the collapse of the Rump Parliament on 16 March, and the sitting of the Convention Parliament on 25 April. Where the text is currently unreadable, I have sometimes supplied, in brackets, readings from Ebsworth's edition as marked in the notes.

   John Andrews, the stationer who produced this broadside, issued a satiric 8to pamphlet in August with a similar title: The Case is Altered; or, Dreadful news from Hell. In a discourse between the Ghost of this grand Traytor and Tyrant Oliver Cromwel, and Sir reverence my Lady Joan his wife, at their late meeting neer the Scaffold on Tower Hill. With His Epitaph written in hell, on all the grand Traytors, now in the Tower.2

   Like many anti-Rump satires, this ballad names a selective catalogue of the MPs and military leaders defeated by recent events, thereby providing an oblique and cryptic history of the final days of the Rump. After the collapse of Richard Cromwell's protectorate in May 1659, the case begins to alter. In late December 1659, Colonel Charles Fleetwood, Commander in Chief of the army, authorized Bulstrode Whitelocke to begin negotiating the return of Charles Stuart, and immediately ran into opposition from two mutually hostile directions: Sir Henry Vane, who was holding out against monarchy at any cost, and from the Council of Officers, who voted to dissolve themselves and approved the return of the Rump. On the day after Christmas, when the remaining forty-nine members of the Rump entered the House behind Speaker William Lenthall and the mace, both Fleetwood and Vane were politically finished.

   This ballad links Fleetwood with the meetings of the Rump during January, when William Say, M.P., carried the mace during Lenthall's illness, but the association is obscure. Somewhat clearer are the comments on Vane, who (along with Desborough and Lambert) had been ordered out of London during those first weeks of January, but did not finally leave until General Monk -- "Presbiter George" as he appears in this ballad -- ordered him to be escorted to his house in Lincolnshire on 13 February. The ballad recalls Vane's early years in Massachusetts, recommending that he be exiled there, since he would be certain of being hanged.3

   The second part of the ballad imagines the Rump, under Arthur Haslerig's leadership, playing a losing game of cards with Monk, who "turnd up the King for Trump." Invective is then directed at William Lenthall, William Prynne, Hugh Peters, and Colonel John Hewson, familiar targets of royalist invective at this time.

[1] Wing: C 871a. Bl brs, one of the unique "trunk" ballads. Copies: L c.120.h.4(3). Reprint: Ebsworth, RB, 9:xvii-xix.

[2] LT E.1869(2), ms dated "6 August." See discussion of this tract by Laura Knoppers in Constructing Cromwell: Ceremony, Portrait, and Print, 1645-1661 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 176-78.

[3] See Spalding, ed., Diary of Bulstrode Whitelocke, and J. H. Adamson and H. F. Follard, Sir Harry Vane: His Life and Times, 1613-1662 (London: Bodley Head, 1973), pp. 409-15.

The Case is altered
Sir Reverence, The Rumps last Farewel.
To the Tune of, Robin Hood.

[Bo]th Commons and Peers
Come prick up your ears
[I would sing of] Bellona and [Ma]rs.4
I hope [I] shall [fit] ye
5: With a pleasant new dittie,
of a Rampant Nose and an Arse.5

The Politick Snout,
That hath a clear rout,
stood it'h midst of old Olivers face,
10: And when that nose dropt,
Their presently hopt,6
a pittiful Rump in the place.

Lord Richard and Harry,
Did quickly misc[arry]
and could not be [staunch]7 to their Daddy,
And old Bedlam [Jo]an,
Was left to make mone,
that she was not as8 good as my Lady.

[I]f Fleetwood the fool,9
20: Had neer gone to School,
his headpeece could not have bin weaker
In Archies void place,10
Let him carry the Mace,
before the Logge-headed speaker.11

25: Cl[own] 12 Desburroughs high shun 13
Will not hold the long run,
except blind Hewson translate um 14
He may supple his toes,
With the matter in the15 nose,
or with the sick Rumps Buminatum.16

Squire Lambert and's pride,
Are both hangd aside,
like an old rotten case and an Ink horn
He's left ith lurch,
35: That lookt ore the Church,
as the Devil lookt over Linc[oln].17
Aspiring Sir Vane,18
Is now to the [wa]ne,
for Presbiter [Ge]orge hath trapand him
40: Though when [ague]19 was it'h head,
He strook it all dead,
if any could understand him.

If the State do him spue,
From Old England to New,
I think [I am]20 no mistaker
That Church that can see,
Somwhat further than we,
would hang him up for a Quaker.

[4] line 3]; so Ebsworth restored the line, which now reads: [...] Bellona [...]

[5] Oliver and the Rump.

[6] hopt] popt Ebsworth

[7] [staunch] so Ebsworth

[8] as] so Ebsworth

[9] Colonel Charles Fleetwood (1618-1692), Commander in Chief in England during 1659.

[10] Archie Armstrong was James I's jester, according to Ebsworth.

[11] Ebsworth notes that the "Logge-headed speaker" was William Say, one of the regicides. He was presumably following DNB, or common sources, which notes: "On 13 Jan, 1659-60 Speaker Lenthall was allowed ten days' absence during illness, and during the interim Say filled his place." Excluded from indemnity, Say escaped to the continent.

[12] Cl[own] so Ebsworth

[13] Major-General John Desborough (1608-1680) had been active bringing about the fall of Richard Cromwell's protectorate (Spalding, Contemporaries of Bulstrode Whitelocke, p. 73). Why he should be called a "clown" is as obscure as the reference to his footwear, "high shun," which does, however, serve to introduce the link to cobbler Hewson.

[14] Colonel John Hewson (d. 1622), a regicide, was a substantial shoemaker who had supplied the army and was consequently satirized by royalists as the "cobbler."

[15] the] his Ebsworth

[16] Buminatum] Bummatum Ebsworth

[17] OED sb.22.i.: "Popularly referred to a grotesque sculpture on the exterior of Lincoln Cathedral."

[18] Sir Henry Vane, the younger (1613-1662), had not been a regicide but was executed after the Restoration. As a young man, he has spent time in Massachusetts where he served a spell as Governor.

[19] [ague] so Ebsworth

[20] [I am] so Ebsworth

The second part, to the same tune. [cuts]

PRince Arthur the bold,21
50: Hath late taken cold,
in playing at Cards with the Rump,
Cause he would not save,
Monck dealt him the Knave,
and turnd up the King for Trump.22

55: Th[e Discip]es23 nine
Tha[t ...] [...]gant o shine,24
like Apostles of John [o']25
Have lost all their hopes
And are worthy of ropes,
for the case is alterd like Pleydons. 27

But take the whole Rump,
All the Members in lump,
the whole house was clothed so thin,
That a cloud like one fist,
65: Grew to a Scotch mist,
and wet them all to the skin.

The Rump made us quail
With a sting in the taile,
whiles it did its venome disgorge,
70: But that Dragons confounded,
Lies bleeding and wounded,
with the Sword of our Englands St. George.

The Council of State,
Is quite out of date,
the sun is gone off their Diall,
Oh horrible thing,
They Murdered the King
let them have as fair a Tryall.

If Lenthal be dumb,
80: In serving the bum,
and cannot speak worth a fart,
Let gallant bold Prin,28
By vote be brought in,
and he'l set a spoke in their Cart.

85: Hugh Peters the Antick29
That was so long fran[tic]
stands now by himself like a sypher,
Yet Ile give him a stripe,
Because he loves tripe,
since he plowd with the Butchers heifer.30

And yet ere he pass,
Let him take 'tother glass
and drink it up all at a draft,
Weel bequeath as most due,
95: The bones of St. Hugh,31
[To] Hewson the man of our craft

Let England now ring,
To cry up a King
as our Parliaments principal head,
100: Till then you nor we,
Can be full nor free,
but our carcasses gasping for dead.

And now let me venter,
This caveat to enter,
That neither for fear nor affection,
So much as a stump,
[Of th]at reprobate Rump,
[be] ever had more in Election.

London, Printed for John Andrews, at the White-lyon neer Pye-corner.

[21] Arthur Haselrig was appointed to head the new Council of State of the Rump when it first met on 26 December 1659.

[22] The earliest use of a card game to describe the politics of the Restoration settlement, if I am correct in dating Laurence Price's ballad, Win at first, lose at last, after 29 May.

[23] Th[e Discipl]es so Ebsworth

[24] line 55] That [litter] of a swine so Ebsworth

[25] [o'] so Ebsworth

[26] Ebsworth enigmatically notes: "Bocold of Münster."

[27] Sir Thomas Pleydon was involved in Miles Sindercomb's attempt against Oliver Cromwell on 8 December 1656; see T. Burton, Parliamentary Diary, 1:355.

[28] William Prynne (c.1602-1669), secluded at Pride's Purge in 1653, returned to Parliament after the Restoration as M.P. for Bath. The comments here recall that Prynne had risen to celebrity for boldly speaking out against stage plays in Historiomastix (1632), passages of which had been taken as aspersions on Charles I for which Prynne was sentenced to life in prison and the loss of his ears in 1634. While in the Tower, Prynne continued to write against Bishops and was branded on the face with the letters "S. L." for "seditious libeller" or, as he himself insisted, "Stigmata Laudis" in reference to Archbishop Laud. See DNB, Spalding, ed., Contemporaries of Bulstrode Whitelocke.

[29] Hugh Peters (1598-1660), chaplain to the New Model Army, was among those executed for treason after the Restoration. DNB.

[30] Accusations of sexual misconduct between Peters and Cromwell's wife are not uncommon in royalist satire.

[31] St Hugh is the patron saint of cobblers.

Thomas Joy A Loyal Subjects Admonition 1 [undated: 16 March-25 April?]

   Broadsides produced by Francis Grove were most often anonymous, but this one has been signed "T. J." and has been attributed to Thomas Joy by the Wing project.

   Internal evidence suggests it belongs to the period immediately following the collapse of the Rump and before the Convention Parliament sat. These distinctly unmetrical verses encourage readers to be loyal to the king who is about to return now that Monk has rescued everyone from the tyrany of recent years. Mostly a catalogue of anti-Rump sentiments aimed at inciting the desire for just revenge, the accusations of property-grabbing by "Rebells" are especially interesting. I have been unable to establish whether Colonel Thomas Rainsborough (also Rainborow) did indeed profit from Higham Park as accused, but since he had died in 1648, the accusation itself is testimony to Joy's long memory and suggestive of a personal grudge.

[1] Wing: J39b. Bl brs. Copies: GU Euing 160.

A Loyal Subjects Admonition, or, a true Song of
Brittains Civil Wars.

Some with blind zeal, Religion did professe,
Murder'd their lawful King, oh wickednesse
Scripture nor Chronicle they could not bring,
To shew what subjects ever judged their King.
King Charls beheaded was wee understand,
Proud Rebels they did live upon his Land,
But now these Rebels are disperst and gone,
Few honest men I think for them make moan.
If any man be angry at this Song,
What e're he thinks hee'd best to hold his tongue.
To the Tune of General Moncks right march, that was sounded
before him from Scotland to London, or the Highlanders march.

GReat controversie hath been in England,
but of ye just cause there is few men do know,
Rebellion for certain, as I understand,
hath been the fore-runner of sorrow and woe,
For every Presbyter,
Struck at the Myter,
Till they had gotten the world in a sling,
but Monck hath confounded,
each prick-eard round-head,
10: Now let's be Loyal and true to our King,

The Scots did adventure at first to Rebel
And Englishmen quickly this lesson did learn,
But Lucifer tumbled from Heaven to Hell,
because his ambition be would not discern,
And therefore be wary,
lest he ensnare ye,
That count Rebellion a plausible thing,
but Monck hath confounded,
each prick-eard round-head,
20: Now let's be Loyal and true to our King.

The City of London was zealous and hot,
to mannage the cause of the Scots government
Forten thousand souldiers they raised I wot;
to go a King catching it was their intent;
rich they would make him,
if they could take him,
Such fair pretences through Britain did ring,
But Monck hath confounded,
each prick-eard round-head,
30: Now let's be Loyal and true to our King.

Much like a Partridge the King they did chase,
from mountain to mountain they did him pursue
They quickly dispersed all the Royall race,
with their Loyal subjects, these Verses are true,
then any Lay-man,
Brewer or Dray-man,2
Could make a Throne or a Pulpitt to ring,
but Monck hath confounded,
each prick-eard round-head,
40: Now let's be Loyal and true to our King.


WHen with their base power they'd conquered his friends
they quickly surprised the Kings Majesty,
These zealots Religion, was for their own ends,
their Oath of Allegiance they then did defy
a Scaffold erected,
Murder effected;
Heathens ne'r acted so horrid a thing,
but Monck hath confounded,
each prick-eard round-head,
50: Now let's be Loyal and true to our King.

But while these Rebells did thus tyrannize,
a terrible Governour quickly arose,
Although Kingly government they did despise,
'Twas treason to meddle with Olivers Nose,
for he like a Hector,
was their Protector,
Rebells had Shelter under his wing:
but Monck hath confounded,
each prick-eard round-head,
60: Now let's be Loyal and true to our King.

This Tyrants government lasted too long,
for Rebels in England did dayly increase,
Yet none but poor Cavaleers suffer'd wrong,
while every Ass was made Justice of Peace,
and Cavys must stand sir,3
with Cap in hand sir,
At their command sir, in every thing:
but Monck hath confounded,
each prick-eard round-head
70: Now let's be Loyal and true to our King.

Worshipfull Walton got Sommersome Park,4
without any labor or taking of pains,
And Wagstaffe that Major was counted a Spark,5
although he did live upon other mens means,
and Rainsborough nimble
sleighted his Thimble,
When Higham Park such profit did bring,6
but Monck hath confounded,
each prick-eard round-head,
80: Now let's be Loyal and true to our King.

These pittiful fellows are all put to flight,
which thought that their pleasures would never ha'end
For they in ambition did take such delight,
there's many supposes they'l be hang'd ere they'l mend
for they in their bravery,
acted such knavery,
Curbing true subjects in every thing,
but Monck hath confounded,
each prick-eard round-head,
90: Now let us be loyal and true to our King.

I wish with my heart all the Kings enemys
both Rebels and Traitors on Tyborn may swing
That every moment do mischeef devise,
and can't be content with a Protestant King,
Esquire Dun3 take them,
never forsake them
Untill thou make them peep through a string,
now Monck hath confounded,
each prickeard roundhead,
100: Now let's be loyal and true to our King.

Composed by loyal T. J. FINIS. London, Printed for F. Grove on Snow-hill.

[2] On satires portraying Cromwell as a brewer, see Laura Knoppers, Constructing Cromwell.

[3] Presumably to "stand" or keep "cave" in the schoolboy sense, here suggesting that Justices were appointed merely to stand on guard over the tyrants in power and to give warning at the approach of legitimate authority.

[4] Presumably Colonel Valentine Walton (c. 1594-c.1661), a regicide who married Cromwell's sister Margaret. Dispossesed by Monk and Parliament of his army position on 21 February, he escaped abroad. See DNB, and Spalding, Contemporaries of Bulstrode Whitelocke. I have been unable to locate Sommersome Park; it may refer to either Somerton or Somersham in Suffolk.

[5] Presumably the same "Wagstaffe" whose imprisonment by the Committee of Safety, together with Colonel William Okey and "other faithfull Officers," was deplored by the radical dissenter, William Dell, in December 1659; see Spalding, Contemporaries, pp. 71-2. In the late summer of 1649, one Captain Richard Wagstaff assisted Lambert in putting down Leveller insurgency in Oxford. See H. N. Brailsford, The Levellers and the English Revolution, ed. Christopher Hill (1961; rpt. Notingham: Spokesman Press, 1983), p. 565, who cites the following newsbooks: A Modest Narrative of Intelligence (8-15 September, 1649), Mercurius Elencticus (17-24 September, 1649), and Mercurius Pragmaticus (18-25 September, 1649).

[6] This accusation is particularly intriguing since the Leveller Thomas Rainsborough (or Rainborow), one of Cromwell's junior officers in the early days of the New Model Army, had died in 1648; see Brailsford, The Levellers, DNB. The estate of Higham Park, near Canterbury, Kent, dates back to the 1320's, but I have yet to establish any links to Rainsborough (see

[7] Squire Dun, not OED: here, presuably the hangman, death, or the devil when he comes to demand his dues.

An Exit to the Exit Tyrannus1
17 March

   Largely a complaint against the devilish regicides who martyred Charles I, and members of the subsequent tyrannical governments who brought the nation to ignominy, the ballad recalls the plaque that was put up to mark the absence of the king's former statue in Whitehall. It turns to Monk in its closing lines and urges him to bring in the king.

   Thomason dated his copy on Saturday 17 March, the day after the Rump formally dissolved, though the major incident referred to in the verses had occured the previous Thursday (see The Case is Altered). Noting that the tune belongs to Richard Corbet's "Merry Journey into France" of 1618, Ebsworth cites Madame de Witt's edition of the French ambassador's eye-witness report:

It was on the eve of the day when the Parliament was at length to pronounce its own dissolution [15 March] . . . A working painter, accompanied by some soldiers, and carrying a ladder in his hand, approached a wall in the city near the Royal Exchange, where eleven years before an inscription in Latin had been placed, Exit Tyrannus, regum ultimus, anno libertatis Angliæ restitutiæ primo, annoque Domini 1648. The workman effaced the inscription, and threw his cap into the air, exclaiming, `God bless KING CHARLES II!' The crowd joined its acclamations, and bonfires were lighted on the spot.2

    Pepys records the incident, from report, in similar detail, on the 16th, noting that it started at "about 5 a-clock in the afternoon" . Pepys's editors comment: "The man who obliterated the words was later identified as Michael Darby, 'now painter to the Company of Mercers'."3

[1] Wing: E3870. Brs. Copies: O Wood 416(61), ms dated "March 1659", COPYTEXT; OW L.R.8.32, reclassified from G.5.10(58); L1 c.20.f.4(249); L2 82.l.8(44); L3 c.40.m.9(68); LT 669.f.24(18), ms dated "17 March"; MH. Reprint: Ebsworth, RB, 7:663-64.

[2] Ebsworth, RB 7:662; citing M. Guizot, The History of England From the Earliest Times to the Accession of Queen Victoria, edited by Madame de Witt, trans. Moy Thomas, 3 vols. (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington, 1877-79), 2:553.

[3] See Diary, 16 March 1660, citing Mercurius Publicus (23 August 1660), p. 534.

Upon Erasing that Ignominious and Scandalous Motto, which
was set over the place where KINGS CHARLES
the First Statue stood, in the Royall Exchange,

To the Tune of I made a Voyage into France, &c.


AFter curs'd Traitors damned rage
At length is come that happy age
Wherein our hopes are crown'd,
Our griefs are turn'd to joyes, and all
Our miseries and sorrowes shall
Be in Canary drown'd.


Thrice happy night which black as thee
Hast caus'd that Hell black doom to be
Made by a Tyrant Crew,
When to fulfill the Divellish lust
They'd make it seem both good and just
That they their Soveraigne slew.


Twas not enough with them to draw
Their Sword against the KING and Law
To Rob and Steale and Plunder,
'Twas not enough to act all Treason
Pretending still religious reason
This was in them no wonder.


Twas not enough they had destroy'd
Our KING, to make our name abroad
A mock and scorn to be,
But to adde further to our shame
At home they blast his glorious name
With markes of Tyranny.


Curst Generation of Hams tribe
Their wickednesse to him ascribe
And seek his fame to taint,
Of whom it justly might be cride
He was a Martyr when he di'd
And whilst he lived a Saint.
To palliate their seditious acts
They charge him with those odious facts
Which they themselves commit,
And 'cause they had by their own fault
Both Church and State to ruine brought
He must be cause of it.


Exit Tyrannus up they set
As if the Kingdome then did get
By this their Liberty,
When as indeed from this their crime
The Nation well might date the time
Of reall Tiranny.


We since have found their zealous tones
Have caus'd our true and reall grones
We see their Good old Cause,
Was only made for a pretence
To banish all our freedome hence
And overthrow our Lawes.


Oh CHARLES that Exit which they put
Up ore thy Statues Head was but
An entrance to our Woe,
That fatall Axe which thee divorc'd
From us, our happinesse hath forc'd
Into the Grave to goe.


But bless'd be providence that we
This happy Night have liv'd to see
Wherein for all their spight,
We see some hope that at the length
The Kingdome may recover strength
And thou regaine thy right.


Thy fame no more shall be defac'd
But with these glorious titles grac'd
Which are due to they merit,
Nor shall the babling Rout now dare
To exclaime against thee in their prayer
Or curse thee by the spirit.


Nor is't our happinesse alone
Thy disgrace is wip't out o'th stone
But does proceed yet farther,
Brave Monk has given an exeunt too
To those these Nations did undoe
And did commit thy murder.


Goe on brave George, and as before
Our Nation to her right restore
Call in the lawfull heyre,
Speake but an entrance to our KING,
And none but will thy praises sing
And blesse thee in their prayer.


The King Advancing1

21 March

   Once the Rump had dissolved itself, royalist propagandists began recalling the living memory of the martyred king in order to inspire the call for bringing in his son (see An Exit). These verses from a quarto pamphlet, The King Advancing, Or Great Britains Royal Standard, With His Majesties Gracious Speech to His Loyal Subjects; And the Investing Him in His Royal Throne, Crown and Dignities, purport to be a speech made by the Ghost of Charles I commenting on events shortly after the Rump's dissolution. After demonizing Cromwell and his supporters, the voice of the Stuart martyr proclaims the imminent arrival of his son, a more than Herculean hero, who comes to put things right. The verses are given in both Latin and English, the printing arranged so that the two versions can be read side by side.

   Rather than adopting an entirely Anglo-centric position, these verses notice that because Charles I was king of Great Britain, his son inherits "three Crowns" (line 27). Thomason dated his copy on Wednesday, 21 March.

[1] Titlepage: THE / King Advancing, / OR GREAT BRITTAINS / Royal Standard, / WITH / His Majesties Gracious Speech to His Loyal Subjects; / And the Investing Him in His Royal Throne, / Crown and Dignities. / [cut: royal arms surmounted with C R] / [rule] / LONDON, / Printed for Charles Prince, in the year, 1660./ [enclosed within ruled box]. Wing: K547. Qto. Copies: O G. Pamphlet 1119(4), [A]-[A4v], page numbers [1]-7 mispaginated "2, 3, 4, 4, 6, 7" COPYTEXT; LT E.1017(28), ms dated "21 March"; OW Fairfax 417, the Huth copy; MH; Australia Victoria Public Library. Commentaries: Carew Hazlitt, p. 93.

[ornamental header] The Ghost of Charles the Great King and Martyr.

THe Sun was set, and Prosperpine had hurld
Lethean Poppy o're the silent World:
But night (whose calmness rocks the Earth asleep
Nurst up my cares, and did them waking keep,
5: When with a deep-fetcht grone I thought upon
The Churches fate, and Kings destruction,
The Moon straight through my window shining clear,
The Ghost of CHARLES did to my sight appear,
Not with that look and Majestie Divine
10: HE once on Earth, and now in Heaven doth shine;
But with an Aspect horrider then theirs
Who were his bloody Executioners:
So lookt (that Fiend of Hell) damn'd Noll, and all
Those Rebells that were guilty of his fall,
15: Whom Heaven now justly plagues. His face was thin,
His visage gast and pale, his eyes sanck in,
His wounded neck made his weak head hang down,
Unable to support the tottering Crown;
His un-comb'd hair, like one's affrighted stood,
20: His beard was covered o're with clotted blood,
He spoke to me in such a hollow sound,
One would have thought the voice was under ground:
Pitty (he said) my sorrowes, here you see
What fruit, patience and vertue brought to me.
25: My Senate, thus, made me a glorious Prince,
This was their promis'd Honour's Recompence.
That blessed rest three Crowns could never get
(Thicker with Thornes, then pearls or diamonds set.)
The dry Ax yeelded me; So from the slain
30: Carcase of Samsons Lyon hony came;
So Bryers roses, deadly poyson so
Produce good Medicines. From my death did flow
Peace to my Soul; I wish my enemies
May alike happie be, and my Blood's cryes
35: For ever silent; though I'm slain, Heavens bless
My Kingdoms! May they ne'r be Fatherless.
But! wishes fail! my blood from Earth doth rise
In reeking vapours, and ascends the skies,
Filling the whole Heav'n with its hollow cryes,
40: Straight (as a raging sea) the Devil reignes
I'th'giddie-headed-peoples pregnant braines,
Who with dissention some, like breaking waves
That force the sands out of their waterie graves
O're the high rocks, then rowl them back again
45: Into the deep; at length th'unruly maine
Throws down those banks that gave it lawes, and runs
O're the wide fields, till all one Sea becomes,
Till towns and forts are levell'd with the ground
And Princely Courts long built, the flood hath drown'd.
50: See how this antient Kingdom breathless lyes,
As if my soul with theirs did sympathize;
The Church too (sharing in my sufferings;)
Lyes by me, and her blood's mixed with her Kings!
But stay! Brittain take courage, from my rest!
55: All are not slain with me; vertue thrives best
When 'tis by cruell Tyrants most opprest.
As ætna in her stony brest doth cherish
A secret fire, which veines of Sulphur nourish
Till all inflam'd and weary of delay,
60: It forces through th'imprisoning Rock a way,
Shewing it's fierie face above the Ayre
The Tyrrhene seas with Brimstone boyl, the fair
Fields, are with burning coales scorch'd up, the shore
Trembles to hear the shaking mountaines roare;
65: In heards (like beasts) the fearfull neighbouring Clownes
Flee from their burning cottages and Townes;
A pitchy torrent following their swift feet;
My People so enraged by deceit
And heavie burdens under which they sweat,
70: On their oppressors spend their furious heat;
Then shall my Son (finding his foes despise
Their duties, and his Clemency) arise
With God-like strength; and to regain his right,
Herculean Spirits (all on fire to fight)
75: Will aid their injur'd Prince; whose bloody hand
Armed with lightening, shall disperse each band
Of brutish Gyants, and their mountains throw
(Together with their Carcases) below
Under their own ambitious dung-hill, thus
Fell Titan's son's and bold Enceladus2 80
In the Tinacrean Earth their bones are thrown
Whose hundred Anvils made all ætna groan.
O may my Chldrens Princely hearts nee'r fail
Amidst a thousand chances that assail
85: The fate of Warres! So unto God thereby
Glory may rise, next to my progeny.
And Kingdom, Peace, since strange effects Heavens King
Doth from contrary causes oft-times bring;
From Death came Life; light out of darkness shin'd,
90: Mans skill cannot his wayes and counsell find.
This having said, straight a Majestick face
And divine form, his humane shape did grace;
Paleness and horrour from his grim look flies,
His cheeks Roses adorn'd; his serene eyes
95: Darted out pleasing rayes. Then, like the bright
Sun, having put on a glorious light,
Hee fled to Heaven, and vanisht out of sight.


[2] Born to Titan out of Terra, Enceladus was the most powerul of the Titans to revolt against Jupiter, for which he was struck with thunder and imprisoned under Mount Aetna: compare William Fairebrother's verses addressed to the Houses of Parliament in his An Essay of a Loyal Brest, lines 1-12.

"Upon the Kings Prerogative and Person"
The Case Stated
Touching the Soveraign's Prerogative1

24 March

   Thomason dated his copy of this polemical tract on 24 March. But who wrote it and who was hiding behind the colophon "Printed for Charles King," I have been unable to discover. The following verses appear on p. 8.

   Although blaming "haughty Rebels" rather than particular regicides or Rumpers, the verses also attribute responsibilty for events following the execution of Charles I to the nation at large.

[1] Titlepage: The Case stated   Touching the   SOVERAIGN'S   PREROGATIVE   AND THE   Peoples Liberty,   According to Scripture, Reason, and the   Consent of our Ancestors.   Humbly offered to the Right Honorable   GENERAL MONCK,   And the   OFFICERS in the ARMY.   [rule]   Regi qui perfidus, nulli fidus.   [rule]   London, Printed for Charles King. 1660.   [text] Wing: C1205. Verses p. 8. Copies: LT E.1017(40), ms dated "24 March" COPYTEXT; OFX Fairfax collection (dispersed); MH; NU; Y; WF 189631.

Upon the Kings PREROGATIVE

PRerogative and Person, both were free
From Subjects Malice and Malignity;
Till haughty Rebels, illegitimate
From true Obedience, chang'd our setled State
5: From Sacred Kingship, leaving no Spark
Of Light in Government: All clouded, dark,
Like the first Chaos; full of dire Confusion,
No Spirit mov'd, but that of strong Delusion:
Whose Hellish Breath drave us to Wars, and Murther,
10: Ev'n of our Sacred Master; Nay, went further,
We Banish'd into Exile, HIM, whom now
Upon our second thoughts, we fain would bow
Unto, and Worship, if he would permit
Himself (as Idol) on His Throne to sit.
15: Which thing he hates: For the Decree of God
Ordains, that Rebels ought to kiss the Rod.
Therefore embrace your Sov'raign, and Proclaim
Him Lawful King; and so blot out your Shame.

John Ogilby
"The Second Charles"
28 March

   Calling on Charles to ascend the throne, John Ogilby's verses accompanyed several of the earliest engraved portraits of the future king. Combining typological implications with epigrammatic poise, Ogilby's lines urge the "Second Charles," son of a Christ-like martyr, to fulfil the divinely ordained mission of revenge implicit in his regal inheritance. Given their contextual appearance as glosses on engraved images of the king, the verses must surely have attracted attention from readers who like to look at pictures.

   Such engravings were evidently available from as early as late March, corresponding to the post-Rump period when we have seen broadside verses calling on Charles II by re-calling the memory of his martyred father. In a notebook entry dated "March 28th. Wednesday" -- confirming that the year was 1660 -- Thomas Hearne transcribed the lines and noted: "Out of Mr. Tho. Rawlinsons Notebook CC. K. Charles the 2d. a Cutt. Guil. Faithorne sculp. motto Dieu et mon Droit." This note leaves it unclear whether he copied the verses and motto from Rawlinson, or from the Faithorne engraving, and I have been unable to find the lines in Rawlinson's notebooks. In giving the verses from the printed version accompanying Faithorne's portrait below, I have, for the curious, noted all variants in Hearne's transcription.

   The Faithorne engraving, showing Charles in wig and armour, was reprinted as a frontispiece by George de Forrest Lord for the first volume of his Poems on Affairs of State. Louis Alexander Fagan writes: "This plate, intended for a book, was afterwards cut down and used for deeds and public instruments. There is a copy measuring 14 1/2 in. by 10 1/2 in.; no background, and inscription below; but with Faithorne's name, and with the motto in ribbon above."1

   John Ogilby's name was signed in full to a reissue of the verses accompanying a three-quarter length portait of Charles by Chantry after an original by Nason. This six-line version is given below as Variant (1).

   Later in the year, William Gilbertson may have pirated Ogilby's verses for an augmented version appearing in a broadside, dated by Thomason "Sept: 6," misleadingly entitled The manner of the Solemnity of the Coronation of His most Sacred Majesty King Charles. Below the title words "King Charles" is a rather crudely executed portrait of Charles II on the throne in his robes of state, crowned, and holding the sceptre. The engraving and twelve-lines of verse based on Ogilby's which appear either side, occupy the top half of the sheet. The lower half is a double-columed prose summary of the coronation, not of Charles II, but of his father. Since the work is unsigned, Ogilby himself may have written the extra lines, given here as Variant (2). The extra lines find previous kings and emperors named Charles who complicate and enrich the possibilities of Charles Stuart's inheritance.

   The final version of Ogilby's verses included here, Variant (3), returns to the original six lines. They appear in a broadside printed for John Williams in 1661, mostly taken up by a large scale portrait of Charles within an oval frame that recalls Faithorne's original, but reverses the direction of the king's gaze and replaces his armour with robes and a garter star. The six lines of verse given here at the bottom of the page are signed.

[1] Fagan, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Works of William Faithorne (London: Quaritch, 1888), p. 8.

"The Second Charles"
The Faithorne version:2

The Second Charles, Heire3 of ye Royall4 Martyr,
who,5 for Religion and6 his Subiects Charter,7
spent8 the best Blood,9 yt uniust10 Sword ere dy'de,11
since12 the rude Souldier pierc'd our Sauiours side:13
who14 such a Father15 had'st;16 art17 such a Son; 5
redeeme18 thy people and19 assume thy Owne.20

J. O.

[2] Variant brs engraving. The 6-line verses signed "J. O." appear under a head-and-shoulder portrait of Charles in wig and armour, within an oval frame with "Dieu et Mon Droit" in motto ribbon above, signed by William Faithorne. 11 x 9 inches. Copies: British Museum Print Room, Faithorne's Works, 1:32; the 1st state of the print; the verses are absent from the 2nd state at ibid 1:33. See L. Freeman O'Donoghue, et al, Catalogue of Engraved British Portraits Preserved in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum, 6 vols (London: British Museum, 1908-25), 1:401, #113. Reprint: Lord, POAS, 1:frontispiece. Ms copy: O Bodley MS Hearne Diary 57, p. 80; Crum T1291a.

[3] Charles, Heire] Charles, Heires ms.

[4] Royall] Royl ms

[5] who,] Who ms

[6] and] & ms

[7] Subiects Charter,] Subjects Charter ms

[8] spent] Spent ms

[9] Blood] Bloud ms

[10] uniust] unjust ms

[11] ere dy'de,] e're dy'de ms

[12] since] Since ms

[13] side:] side. ms

[14] who] Who ms

[15] Father] father ms

[16] had'st;] had'st ms

[17] art] and ms

[18] redeeme] Redeeme ms

[19] and] & ms

[20] 6. Owne] crowne ms

Variant (1), the Chantry/Nason version:21

The Second Charles, Heire of ye Royall Martyr,
Who, for Religion, and his Subjects Charter,
Spent ye best blood that unjust Sword ere dy'de,
Since the rude Souldier pierc'd our Saviors side:
5: Who such a Father had'st, art such a Son;
Redeeme thy people and assume thy owne.

J Ogil[by]

[21] Variant (1): signed verses on an engraved portrait of Charles by J. Chantry after P. Nason. A six-line version of the verses appear at the bottom of a 3/4-length engraved portrait of Charles facing right, standing in armour, resting a truncheon on a table, under a ribbon-motto "CAROL': SECUN' D:G: MAG: BRI: FRA: ET: HIB: REX." 13 x 10 inches. Underneath, centre, the garter arms; either side of which the following signatures: P. Nason pinxit: J: Chantry sculp: Tho: Crosse excud: Copies: British Museum Print Room, Portraits of Charles II, vol. 1: acquisition # 1848.9.11.329. See O'Donoghue, 1:399 item #83.

Variant (2), The Manner of the Solemnity:22

The Second Charles, Heire of the Royall Martyr,
Who, for Religion, and his Subjects Charter,
Spent the best Blood, that unjust Sword ere dy'de.
Since the rude Souldier pierc'd our Saviours side:
5: Who such a Father had'st, art such a Son;
Redeem thy people and assume thy owne.
Ascend thy Ancestors Imperial seat,
Of Charles the Good, thou second Charles the Great,
That adds the worth; this lustre to the Crown,
10: Whose solid Glories weighd Usurpers down.
Such Majesty as never was profan'd,
While Tyrants rul'd twas only Charles that Reign'd.

[22] Variant (2), Wing M479: The manner of the Solemnity of the CORONATION of His most Sacred MAJESTY KING CHARLES / London: Printed by T. C. and are to be sold by W. Gilbertson. 1660. Copies: O Ash. 677(7*); LT 669 f.26(2), ms dated "6 September." Here. the verses occur on either side of a fairly crude portrait of Charles II, enthroned, at the top half; below is a prose description of the coronation of Charles I.

Variant (3), Carolus II:23

The Second CHARLES, Heir of the Royal Martyr
Who, for Religion, and His Subjects Charter,
Spent the best Blood, that unjust Sword e're dy'd,
Since the rude Souldier pierc'd Our Saviour's Side
Who such a Father had'st, art such a Son,
Redeem Thy People, and assume Thy Own.


[23] Variant (3): Carolus II. D. G. Angliae, Scotiae / Franciae & Hiberniae Rex, etc.etc. / London Printed for John Williams, at the Crowne in St Pauls churchyard, 1661.
When the "Pourtrait" was reprinted in 1673, the text was twelve lines shorter than in 1660, and contains several variant readings not recorded here, though I have indicated which lines were omitted from the reprint.
The final verses addressed "To His Majesty" appear only in the 1673 reprint (sig. B) but are given here.

[ornamental border]
Charles the II.
Faithfully taken to the Life.6

KIngs like the Sun, in their full Majesties,
Are too resplendent bright for Subjects eyes;
Nor without dazling can their weaker sight,
Sustain the force of so much glorious light.7
5: But when Ecclipst, then every one can see
(Without that splendor) what their persons be;
In which Conjecture 8 who so
e're has seen
This Sun of ours, may well affirm of him,
His Person's such, as he for that alone
10: (His Birth away) 9 deserves the Royal Throne;
Such Majesty there's in it, and such Grace
(Both awing and delighting) in his Face;
Without those Kingly Robes adorn the Throne,
He shews more King, then those who have them on.
15: His Stature's tall, and of the comliest make,
His Vizage oval, his Hair thick and black,
In ample Curles, on's shoulders falling down,
Adorning more his Head, then any Crown.
His Eyes are lively, full of flame and sprite,
20: And of that colour most delights the sight:10
Royal, and largely featur'd all the rest,
Declaring the largeness of his Royal Breast;
And of so healthful Constitution,
As he had Articled with sickness, none
25: Should e're invade his health, and he should ne're
By excess provoke them, to which much confer, 11
His wonted Exercises, who in all
The Noblest, Gallant, 12 and most Martial,
Even the Most Excellent, so far excels,
30: He's King in them, as he's in all things else:
(And who'd be absolute in every thing
As well as Birth, and Power, should be a King)
Nor shall you e'er in any person finde
A greater strength of body and of minde;
35: Which with long Travel h'as improved so,
He knows what e're befits a Prince to know;
Not learnt from th'dead, but from the world, & men,
Those living Authors, and h'as studied them,
So as each Nations wisdom he does know,
40: And each on's Language to express it too. 13
Whence he compar'd to other Princes, sit
Dully at home, and nothing know but it, 14
Seems just like some huge Gallyon does come
From farthest Indies, richly laden home,
45: Compar'd to some poor Hoy, or Bylander,
Then their own shores & coasts, ne'r further were; 15
And never none to Fortune more did owe,
Than to misfortune he, for being so.
For moral vertues then, h'as every one
50: In their full splendors and perfection,
Justice, not Clouded with severity,
Nor Temperance, with sower austerity;
And ne're in none more Courage was, nor more
Wisdom and Prudence, with less vanity, nor
55: With lesser Artifice; then ore's passion he
Commands so absolutely, and sovereignly:
It shews him King over himself, as well
As over others, nor does he less excell
In civil vertues, which adorn no less,
60: The Royal Throne, as mildness, Gentleness,
Ravishing sweetness, debonarity,
Obligingness, and affability,
That more does conquer with a gentle word,
Then ever any Conquer'd by the Sword,
65: Acquiring absolute Dominion,
And Soverign sway o're hearts of every one. 16
Mean time he is so chearful and so gay,
None from His presence e'er went sad away;
Nor yet could all his troubles nor his cares
70: Render him less gay and chearful, which declares
His minde' above them all, and h'as within
Him somewhat higher then the being KING;
Just like the highest Region of the Air
'Bove Storms & Tempests, nor could Fortune e're
75: Eclipse his minde. For Courtly vertues then,
In which Kings too should excel other men,
As far as Courts do other houses, he
Appears in every one to Excellency;
Dances so admirably, as your Eye17
80: As well as Ear's all charm'd with Harmony,
Knows Musick, Poetry, Gallantry, and Wit,
And none knows better how to judge of it: 18
In fine, in everything that curious is,
No'ns taste was e're more delicate then his; 19
85: And as he is a King 'mongst Courtiers, so
'Mongst Ladies he's both King and Courtier too.
How happy are his Subjects then, t'have one
For King, Heaven seems t'have chosen King, alone
To make them happy? one, they need but pray,
90: That as h'as born Adversity, he may
But bear Prosperity as well, and then,
As still h'as been, he'l be the best of Men.
One, finally in whom ye united finde
(Besides his Birth, his Person, and his Minde)
95: All that, which found in others one by one,
Raise them to height of Admiration,
The Wise, the Valiant, the Majestical,
The Mild, the Gallant, and the King in all:
But of all Titles, that amongst the rest,
100: Of Gratious and Clement fits him best.20
More Glorious are his Sufferings then, and more
Injurious Fortune persecutes him for
His Royal Birth alone, who had he been
Born private man, deserv'd to be a King.
105: Such is her ignorant blindness, does not know
His eminent worth whom she disfavours so,
Would finde, were she unveild, and could but see,
None e're deserv'd her favours more then he.

[6] title] THE / POUTRAIT / OF / HIS MAJESTY, / Made a little before HIS Happy / Restauration. 1673

[7] lines 3-4] om 1673

[8] Conjecture] Conjuncture ms correction L, O, WF

[9] i.e. "even if he had been born abroad." Charles was born in St. James's Palace; the point here is that Charles's personal qualities would make him worthy of kingship even if he had not been born to the throne.

[10] lines 15-20; on Charles's appearance, compare A Character: "He is somewhat Taller than the middle stature of Englishmen; so exacty form'd, that the most curious Eye cannot finde one Error in his shape. His Face is rather Grave than Severe... His Complexion is somwhat dark, but uch enlightened by his Eyes, which are Quick and Sparkling" (p. 4).

[11] lines 23-26] om 1673Apart from a bout of smallpox in the autumn of 1648 and a fever that recurred in 1679, 1680 and 1682, Charles has traditionally been represented as enjoying vigorous good health throughout his life (Hutton 1989: 30, 443). Nevertheless, it may not be insignificant that these lines were omitted in 1673, by which time Charles had gained something of a reputation for sexual excess.

[12] Gallant] Gallants copytext, WF

[13] The author of A Character also comments on the king's skills in languages: "He understands Spanish, and Italian; speaks and writes French correctly; He is well vers'd in ancient and modern History, hath read divers of the choicest pieces of the Politicks, hath studyed some useful parts of the Mathematicks, as Fortification, and the knowledge of the Globe; but his chief delight is in Navigation, to which his Genius doth so incline him, that by his frequent conversation with Mariners, and his own observation, whilest he rid six weeks in the Downes, and in his passage into Scotland, he hath arrived to so much knowledge in this Science, that I have heard many expert Seamen (whose discourses are not steer'd by the compass of the Court) speka of it with delight and wonder; in genral, He is a true friend to Literature, and to Learned Men" (p. 4). We might compare this with Hutton's assessment: "Newcastle's determination that his pupil should not be too bookish left the King with little appetite for reading of any sort. In the course of his youth and early manhood Charles tried to learn French, Italian, and Spanish. Yet he never seems to have attained any proficiency in the last two tongues" (Hutton 1989: 450). Thomas Pecke also repeats the claim that Charles had command over three languages.

[14] Compare Dryden, Astræa Redux, lines 105-14.

[15] This early snub to the Dutch, who had recently been hosting the Stuart exiles, is characteristic of Flecknoe; see his call for a trade war against them in his imperial masque, The Marriage of Oceanus and Britannia (1659).

[16] lines 65-66] om 1673

[17] Hutton notes that Charles has a "genuine enthusiasm for dancing" (1989: 75).

[18] Charles certainly had strong opinions regarding music; on 20 November Pepys reports on the previous evening's entertainment which Monck had put on for the royal family: "after supper, a play -- where the king did put a great affront upon Singleton's Musique, he bidding them stop and bade the French Musique play -- which my Lord says doth much out-do all ours." For more on this evening's entertainment, see Denham, headnote, forthcoming.

[19] lines 83-84] om 1673

[20] lines 99-100] om 1673 Charles' generosity was predicted by the nurses at his birth because he appeared with open hands (Hutton 1989: 2).

To His Majesty (1673 only, sig B.)

VOuchsafe Great Sire, on these to cast your sight,
Made cheifly for Your Majesties delight,
By him has cast off all Ambition
Long since, but of delighting you alone;
5: Courting it highest honor can befall,
To delight Him, who's the delight of all.